Speaking Truth to Oppressed

Neo-Colonial Alliances and the Crisis of Pakistan

Poverty, diseases, climate change, ethnic conflicts, institutional imbalance, and regional conflicts are the most alarming threats to Pakistan. Pakistan being an underdeveloped country, more than one-third of its population lives below the poverty line, and the vast majority lacks access to basic human rights and needs like health, education, food, safe water, a safe environment, etc. The most serious issues being faced by citizens are threats to life, denial of human rights, and injustices. If there is no safety for the people, then territorial security is not effective.

Following the country’s declaration of independence, the colonial administrative structure was maintained inside Pakistan’s civil service. It kept the same colonial administrative pattern, the same class structure, and the same elite character throughout its existence. As a direct result of this, the colonial influence can be seen in both the structural makeup and the operational procedures of Pakistan’s civil service. It maintained its imperialistic and elitist attitudes throughout. We still observe top-to-bottom structure and a non-participatory culture in our administrative branches that affects our policies and interests. Pakistan had a shortage of both physical and human capital at the beginning of its journey, and it was persuaded to become dependent on the US and its neo-colonial capitalist growth model. Pakistan’s pursuit of a neocolonialist capitalist model based on capitalist exploitation, which led to a cycle of developmental dependence, began in the first ten years of its history. By working together with the forces of the capitalist world system under US hegemony, the bureaucracy, army, and feudal aristocracy were able to solidify power in an environment of “containment.” To defend the nation’s internal systems of privilege and power as well as external control over its cheap labor and raw materials, Pakistan’s authorities soon after independence started to give in to all kinds of inducements to form neocolonial economic and military alliances.

Institutional imbalance characterized the first decade, which tilted in favor of nondemocratic institutions in future years despite the proximity of representational institutions. The demands of most of the population were ignored as power was concentrated in unrepresentative institutions and economic policies aligned with the neocolonial capitalist mode of production were enacted. Consequential events on a national and global scale were profoundly influenced by Western economic theories and growth models. Specifically, the international businesses and aid groups that are supported by the US or based in the US, like the IMF and USAID, are the aids Pakistan has been receiving for the last 30 years continuously. Through these institutions, our policy is being monitored, and we cannot make our policies independently. Different conditions are set to lend us money and many serious economic policies are imposed by these institution and Pakistan is helpless due to its debts.

The concept of economic growth, with a focus on the advancement of industry and the promotion of capital accumulation, was an important driving force behind the establishment of economic planning in Pakistan. This was done with utter indifference to the needs of the populace, both economically and socially. This growth model was accompanied by an authoritarian elite that consisted of the bureaucracy, the army, and feudal lords, which was backed by the custodian of the United States to ensure Pakistan’s involvement in Defense Pacts against Communism. This was done to ensure Pakistan’s involvement in defense pacts against Communism. The ruling elite of Pakistan has made the decision to become a “client” state of the United States, while at the same time ignoring the aspirations of the general population of the country. It was suggested that Pakistan adopt an economic model that blends authoritarianism with an increase in GDP, and this model was built expressly for Pakistan to meet these requirements. Pakistan has paid a lot be it human loss or economic loss as Pakistan was playing part in wars of United states.

All of Pakistan’s developmental efforts, programs, methodologies, and projects have been nothing more than vehicles for the spread of western ideology and the maintenance of a capitalist way of thinking. This has been the case throughout Pakistan’s history. The privatization that took place in Pakistan had a negative impact on the majority, while the country’s elites were able to improve their standard of living at the expense of the working classes. The primary idea was derived from the free market and ownership to achieve higher levels of efficiency and productivity; however, the vast majority of people did not support this approach. The enterprises in Pakistan were owned by the ruling elites as well as other internationals, who exploited the country’s native population over the course of many years. The deterioration of the environment was never considered, and it was not accorded any level of priority. The industrialization of our country has resulted in significant pollution of our environment, and we are going to have to pay a bigger price for it in the future. For example, Pakistan has lately experienced the most horrible damage in the country’s history. The glaciers are melting at a faster rate than ever before, and climate change is posing a threat to our very existence. Pakistan is the country that is the most at risk.

The study of literature can be seen of as a bridge that connects several different domains of human endeavor, such as language, society, culture, and ideology. It is up to the members of a particular cultural society to decide which components of their history, psychology, and culture will be the most beneficial to them and the most pertinent to their life. After 75 years of independence, Pakistan is still struggling with a curriculum problem. This is because the curriculum taught during colonial times is deeply ingrained in our literary tradition, and we have not been successful in developing a unified national curriculum. When one considers Pakistan’s culture, beliefs, traditions, religion, and ethnicity, it is patently evident that the curriculum taught in Britain is inappropriate for the country’s setting. After the country gained its independence, there were numerous linguistic uprisings and problems with the curriculum. Even now, there are ongoing disputes and political conflicts regarding the language and the national curriculum. Our course has not yet been decided, and as the world’s fifth most populated country, this is the most significant area of uncertainty.

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